Posted by Richard Willett - Memes and headline comments by David Icke Posted on 17 February 2024

Keir Starmer’s Coming Revolution is More Radical Than His Opponents Realise

Keir Starmer settled into Parliament in 2015 at the age of 53 for the safe seat of Holborn and St. Pancras. This was not the political debut of a young up-and-comer, but a sort of life peerage given to a stately figure coming towards the end of a long career in public service.

Stateliness: this has been Keir Starmer’s essential quality in political life. Here’s a man who – as the idea goes – has deigned to stoop from the noble and serious pursuits of human rights law and public prosecutions to the seamy world of electoral politics. He’s a little sullied by the place. He is an odd man out, and very deliberately so. People like Keir are brought into politics to clean the place up. A man like Keir would ennoble whatever cause he touched; and there was, duly, no period of hard backbench grind before his elevation to the Shadow Cabinet. Like the Duke of Wellington, who also entered high office as a second act, there’s every impression that Keir is doing this as a kind of favour.

Starmer’s opponents delight in puncturing this image. If it could only be definitively shown that Starmer is simply a politician like the rest, then his public brand would fall away. This is why Rishi Sunak is so quick to charge Keir Starmer with “opportunism”. It’s why the British centre-Right has seized so eagerly on the decision to scrap a £28bn green investment pledge, or quiescence on Gaza, or slightly affected outrage on behalf of Brianna Ghey’s mother at PMQs.

This is a rhetorical method. But it’s also a wish. Those who invoke it live in hope that if Starmer is merely grasping and cynical, then he can be assimilated; he can be dealt with. This steady rubbing off of the varnish relies, above all, on the assumption that there is in fact something basically familiar underneath.

But there isn’t. This is the great trick that has been missed about Britain’s likely next Prime Minister. The stately manner is not a conceit to be rubbed away, but is an irreducible part of Keir Starmer’s whole idea of life and politics. Starmer simply isn’t someone that can be digested into the ordinary rigmarole of Westminster, however much his opponents might wish it.

Here’s another parallel between Starmer and the Duke of Wellington: both men entered politics accustomed to issuing commands and seeing them obeyed. Run the gamut of Keir Starmer’s career and you’ll find a man who has traded not in deals, appeals and backroom manoeuvre – but in moral black-and-white, in iron legalisms and in hard executive power. Starmer’s time at the bar was spent entirely within the domain of human rights law; that is to say, the enforcement of the particular moral dogmas established in 1997 against secular and democratic authority. As Director of Public Prosecutions – an office that is beginning to resemble a kind of parallel Home Secretary – Starmer had broad personal discretion over how the laws of England were enforced, and against whom. This basic tenor held in Westminster, too. Starmer’s only role in ordinary retail politics was Shadow Immigration Minister, which he soon left. His tenure as Shadow Brexit Secretary – his biggest job in Westminster before winning the Labour leadership – was legalistic rather than political: it was Keir Starmer, more than anyone else, who pioneered the idea that Brexit was not even wrong, but simply “unlawful“. His defeat of the Corbynites was similarly litigious; it did not rely so much on any avowed criticism of their ideas (he endorsed most of them during the leadership campaign), but a simple recourse to the party rulebook to purge their ranks.

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